The Evolution of a Constitution
Article May 7, 2009.was written by . It was published in his newspaper on
The Evolution of a Constitution
Q. Why was Pierre Trudeau so healthy?
A. Because he had an excellent constitution!
It is undoubtedly dangerous to start an article with a pun, but it seems fitting given the nature of this particular article. I would like to thank the judges of the CP Entry contest, the sponsors who have made it possible, and above all the readers who have kept me going for so long. In this contest, I have discovered that while eCanada possesses a rich and diverse history, many new eCanadians find examinations of our past to be revelations, rather than reaffirmations of our knowledge. One of the great quotes of Winston Churchill is “Study History! Study History!” and it is a quote I have taken to heart. In order to understand who we are as a people, and where we are going as a nation, we must look deeply at what we have done. Why? To defend ourselves from the mistakes of the past, to correct the errors of our ancestors, and to mimic the victories of our forefathers. When one looks up eCanada within the eRepublik wiki, the very first article we see deals with the Constitution. This is no mistake, for who we are and what we strive to be is set out within the constitution of a nation. We can study economics, politics, and military endeavours, but we can never see such a whole picture of eCanadian History as we can when we study the birth, death and rebirth of our constitutions, for their continual growth and evolution have mirrored the struggles and the victories of eCanada.
In the beginning, there was no constitution, for as the first eCanadians were born to this world and opened their eyes to gaze upon their new northern nation, they saw a simple land and a simple system in place to guide it. Interviews with the oldest eCanadians reveal that there was no constitution for there was no need, there existed only the presidency, the mayors, and the congress, each of them ruled by the power vested in them by the Admins of eRepublik. The mayors were given power over corporate and housing tax rates, but with so small a population and so few companies or houses to maintain, the power and influence of a Mayor were limited. Congress existed as the branch for executive oversight, a check to balance out the power of the presidency. The congressmen of yesteryear did not enjoy anywhere near the power of our current congressmen for they could only approve or deny the proposals of the presidency. It was a land where the President was truly king, with the power to wage or end wars, raise or lower taxes, propose or deny trade agreements and mutual protection pacts. One day a president would share his power with the powerless, but before then there was only that which the Admins had wrought.
While the power of the presidency was based upon in-game mechanics, the role soon became a leadership position from which all power flowed. With the elections of Faltnor, the presidency expanded its own powers through the creation of government companies and S.O.’s but soon the workload became too much for one citizen. During his first term in office, President Faltnor created a new political system, one still in use today with the formation of the Cabinet . Prominent members of eCanadian society, some of them elected and some of them not, were selected to lead the nation as Ministers of the Crown, each placed in command of a certain element of governmental policy. The Health Minister was given access to the National Healthcare System Organization and placed in command of Hospital Creation and wellness boosting for the Canadian public. The Defence Minister was charged with the organization and supply of a small contingent of national fighters. Foreign and Economic Affairs Ministers were established to advise the President on their respective portfolios, while the Employment Minister guided new eCanadians to their first employers. But the greatest trust was placed in the Banking Minister, who was charged with the protection and administration of the nation's treasury within the National Bank of Canada. As the offsite community of eCanada began to develop, so too did its government. The eCanadian forums provided a singular entity where Cabinet, Congress, Mayors and citizens could meet to discuss public policy and the fate of the nation. But with so little power granted to the congress or mayors, these discussions resulted in little without the support of the President.and
Many eCanadians of the time state that a written constitution to guide the laws of our nation was not necessary, for no issues had been raised that could not then be solved by the Presidency. This was until the first true constitutional crisis occurred with the release of the war module, and the eAmerican Invasion which followed. Under attack from a numerically superior force, eCanadians and their numerous mercenary allies turned to the eCanadian government for leadership, only to find the seat of power vacated. Veteran eCanadian Kommie recalls the crisis well.
|“ The Government was very unorganized before the war. The game just started and a lot of people started joining Erepublik. Canada had no Centralized government. During the war we had a crisis the President at the time went inactive (Faltnor), Tom Hagen from the CPP started up a shadow government which ran Canada during Faltnors inactivity through the IRC Channel paxcanada. ”|
(Thekommie, May 09)
A shadow cabinet made up of active citizens and former ministers soon recognized the threat of concentrating such power in the presidency, for one inactive president had led the nation down the road of potential destruction. Some of the most prominent members of the shadow cabinet, Det John Kimble, Albert Ainstain, and Adam Sutler would go on to form the next official cabinet, and their recognition of the triumphs and failings of the current system would shape governmental policy for months to come. Faltnor made his presidential return to activity in late April, completely oblivious to the sudden turn in the tide of the war. Under the guidance of the shadow cabinet and with the assistance of hundreds of allied states, soldiers and mercenaries, the Canadian defenders recaptured each and every territory lost to the American Immortal attack, and began its assault on North Dakota and Minnesota. Just as Canadians seemed poised to capture eAmerican territory, Faltnor returned, commissioning Banking Minister John Wilkmot to draw up a peace treaty negotiated between the eCanadian President, and U.S. President Nave Saikiliah. The document set out an immediate peace between the two nations, so that no nation would gain or lose territory, and a three month Non-Aggression Pact was put into place to prevent either power from striking back at each other. The peace proposal was openly ridiculed by an eCanadian public who demanded reparations from the US Government, and the annexation of Alaska in compensation. This indignant disappointment transformed into feral rage against Faltnor when it was revealed that he had accepted a 100 GOLD bribe from Nave in exchange for his signature. The decision would haunt Faltnor for the rest of his days and cement his legacy as one of eCanada’s most hated Presidents. A bloodthirsty eCanadian media began to rip into all those involved with the treaty, lead by Foreign Affairs Minister Albert Ainstain.,
|“ ...It was Faltnor and Wilkmot, who agreed to the terms behind my back. Not once did I agree with the terms we signed on. He didn't budge and I didn't budge, therefore war was going to continue. But of course, Wilkmot without a backbone kept on kissing Nave's ass behind closed doors and lowered the offers to what Nave wanted. If I had the power that Faltnor had, there would have been no peace treaty unless the US gave us some gold. However, I am not the president, and without my knowledge or consent, Faltnor and Wilkmot took it upon themselves to sign this ridiculous treaty.|
This is also part of the reason why I'm stepping down as FA minister. This decision should be made between me and the president, not the bank minister. Overall, I'm disappointed by this whole situation. And yes, I'm calling out Wilkmot on this. You knew I would not agree with those terms as I said yesterday, so you went behind my back and conceded to Nave. You are the bank minister, this has nothing to do with the bank. It was my job and you took it and fucked it up. ”
(Albert Ainstain, April 08)
eCanadians found themselves so embittered by Faltnors blunder that even Wilkmot, who had only drawn up the contract as specified by the President, was ostracized by a voracious public lead by Ainstain and Kimble, devastating his own bid for the PresidencyAdam Sutler, Wilkmot instead joined an exodus of eCanadian leaders including Joe Aitken, Antonio Fonti, Banach, and Billy Bob Joe to eSwitzerland . But Wilkmots resignation would inadvertently cause yet another constitutional crisis, as a supposed password mix up occurred in conjunction with Wilkmot’s resignation leaving the government unable to access the nation's treasury stored within the National Bank of Canada, which was only restored to the eCanadian government by the intervention of the Admins. Left without the financial means to rebuild the shattered economy, the Shadow Cabinet soon learned the value of maintaining fiscal security, which remains one of the sacrosanct constitutional rights of eCanadians today.. Resigning his candidacy for the presidency and his leadership of the Canadian Nationalist Party to
The treaty and bank scandal which succeeded it had caused our leaders to look at their political system and concede that it must be changed. In an article which won Banach’s first literary prize, Adam Sutler publicly called for the creation of a constitution to guide the political processes of the country. It was an idea that both the Canadian Paradox Party under , and the newly formed Norsefire Party of Canada turned into one of the primary planks in their political campaigns . Not only was Braham swept into power with eCanada’s first majority government, but he stretched out his hand to the opposition parties to form a non-partisan coalition government to take command of the reconstruction of the eCanadian nation. True to his word, Braham appointed Adam Sutler as Minister of Constitutional affairs. When asked why Sutler was appointed over older and more experienced users such as Tom Hagen or Banach, Hagen replied:
|“ The simple answer was Sutler was interested in it whereas myself and Banach were not (or) did not have the time. ”|
Shortly after being appointed to the role, Sutler began a series of “Constitutional exposés,” designed to educate the public upon the options available in the new constitution, and gauge public opinion towards them, starting with the powers of the presidency. Seeing the gross abuse of power under the Faltnor administration, the public was unwilling to maintain the current distribution of power, but without a large active congress, their options were limited. Many opted in favour of centralizing power within the Presidency, while empowering the Cabinet to work in the Presidents stead while the Congress would exist as a check against this power. This left only the role of Local Government to be named. Consultations with the eCanadian public vastly supported a judicial/constitutional role for the Mayors of eCanada, which would gradually evolve into our Supreme Court . The mayors would not only be utilized to approve constitutional amendments, but also rule on violations of a new charter of rights and freedoms upon which the public too was asked to vote .
As May came to a close,announced his retirement from the eCanadian Presidency, endorsing his Constitutional Affairs Minister, Sutler for President. As the rookie minister was swept into office in the following elections, he began to implement changes to the Cabinet and the congress that would mirror the Constitution which was still in its infantile form, the first of which being the creation of the office of Vice-President, and the merger of the Economic Affairs Portfolio and the Banking Minister Portfolio into the Finance Ministry we see today .
|“ As Vice-President will be responsible for all political, military and economic decisions in Canada if I am incapacitated, inactive for a substantial period of time, or dead. Should such an event occur, he will have the authority to sign contracts within the Contract section of the eRepublik forum on behalf of Canada, including MPP's, N.A.P.'s and Trade Agreements. ”|
(Adam Sutler, June 08)
Before the constitution even neared completion, the Government began to substantially change the way government business was conducted. The Executive Order became a staple of presidential power in June, used to create new ministries, subsidize political parties which were then apparently taxed for their gold, and establish crown corporations to expand the capabilities of the cabinet.
But even as presidential power was expanded and exercised, the presidency began to cede some of this power to the Congress through the creation of the Speaker of the Congress of eCanada. The Speaker was designed to personify the power of Congress and direct its regulation of the presidency.. The first such exercise of this power came with the formation of eCanada’s second major treaty since the US-Canada peace agreement: a permanent Non-Aggression Pact with the United States of eAmerica. This treaty set forth the precedent which would eventually be solidified in the constitution itself, as for the first time in eCanadian history, the Congress of eCanada voted on, and approved of a treaty with a foreign nation and was recognized as an official player in the foreign policy of the nation
One of the primary powers granted to Congress in the original Beta Constitution was the power to revoke the citizenship, and any eRepublikan property gained through nefarious means. To understand where this came from, we must look to the Executive Order, and the Dr Jaytlez Multi Scandal. Cesar Augustus was first born to the world on June 8th 2008 as Dr. Jaytlez. He would then be born several hundred other times in the next few days. His attempt to capture the Canadian Paradox Party Leadership brought about the first confirmed multi-scandal and T.O. attempt in eCanada, which was promptly foiled by eCanadian citizens and the Admins. Cesar kept coming back to terrorize the eCanadian public, stealing Banach’s newspaper the Ottawa Guardian, and continuing to attempt to build a corporate empire . As a result, the government issued new executive orders, designed to boycott and capture all industries owned and initiated by the Jaytlez Multis . This coincided with the removal of state funds from the treasury and into the national Bank of eCanada and Finance Ministry, a precaution still taken to this date by our government to prevent loss of government resources from T.O.s. and hackers . Cesar would later reform himself into a singular citizen, devoted to serving the public in a respectful and legal manner.
This power was once again exercised when Cottus Arci was elected president in July of 2008. One of his first acts was to create a ministry of fair trade regulate the prices and practices of the eCanadian business community, beginning with Trade Minister Big Brother taking aim at Kommie over his domination of the eCanadian housing market . This also became the first example in which the congress actively worked to rein in the power of the presidency, as it was soon revealed that Big Brother was Kommie’s primary competitor in the housing market . Congressional investigation eventually forced the trade minister to resign, and this combined with a string of other resignations within cabinet would lead to the next constitutional crisis in eCanada, and the first activation of the powers of the Vice President. Congress continued to scrutinize the measures brought in by President Arci, becoming the first to actively deny tax changes proposed by the President. This, in turn, prompted Arci to lash out at the empowered congress in the media . Facing a hostile congress, a string of cabinet resignations, and a controversial election to office, Cottus Arci resigned for personal reasons in mid-July, ceding power to his Vice-President Adam Sutler.
Whereas Faltnor’s disappearance left the government in perpetual chaos in April, Arci’s resignation paved the way for a stable transfer of power. Not only was the Vice Presidency granted contractual and administrative rights on the eCanadian forum, but Arci himself surrendered his account to the Vice President, allowing him to access the in-game levers of power until the next election Arci showed remarkable foresight in an era where impeachment was not yet an option available to the government, allowing the government to remain stable in his absence..
Soon after taking power once more, Sutler released the completed draft of the Constitution of Canada in its entirety for the scrutiny of the eCanadian peopleBeta Constitution was put to a vote in the Congress of eCanada, passed with the support of the majority of the house, and was signed into law by President Adam Sutler, Speaker Tantis, The Admins of eRepublik, and a supermajority of the mayors of eCanada.. The document set out the specific powers of the President, the Congress, the Cabinet and the mayors. Beyond being a political map of the power relations, the document also presented a number of constitutional rights of the individual, and a more detailed bill of rights for eCanadian citizens dubbed the “Articles of Allegiance.” In August of 2008, the
But the ink on this document could not even dry before a new constitutional crisis arose. Accompanying a population boom in French eCanadians was a marked spike in separatist rhetoric within the media. Soon a new political party, the Parti Quebecois which initially advocated the annexation of Quebec into eFrance, was createdAugustus Baldwin proposed the National Preservation Act, a constitutional amendment designed to enforce the solidarity of the eCanadian state by recognizing French as an official language of eCanada, declaring any form of secession from eCanada as unconstitutional, and categorizing any actions taken by an eCanadian citizen to that effect to be high treason and punishable by the highest court in the land . The proposal of the NPA was soon countered by another amendment, the Clarity Act which mirrored the RL act of the same name, proposed by the alleged multi and Finance Minister of the time, Tony Stark. Like its RL predecessor, the Clarity act would recognize the right of a province or territory to secede, but only if it received the same level of support needed for a constitutional amendment: majority support from the provincial population, the Congress, the Local Governments, and the Admins. As the constitutional amendments were put to a vote, the Clarity Act won out and was drafted into the constitution soon afterwards. The Sovereigntists lead by Eric Boucher and Bruno Tremblay almost immediately attempted to take advantage of this act, testing the political waters with surveys for Quebec residents on separation, but their attempts did not gain the support necessary to call a referendum .. What began as a domestic debate about the legality of secession soon exploded into an international crisis when the military superpower Pakistan openly endorsed and pledged to initiate the secession of Quebec from eCanada . It was this crisis which sparked the proposal of the first constitutional amendments. A young up-and-coming congressman by the name of
As the secession crisis was in full swing, another crisis had quickly formed across the ocean. One of the first successful take over attempts occurred in eIreland with the election of Romanian-born Victor Petrescu to the presidency of the emerald isle. The election resulted in a massive international backlash, and brought about fears of the potential for foreign take-overs in small nations, now commonplace in the current bipolar world order . The Petrescu government quickly began to shatter the Irish economy through mass-printing of IEP, privatization of government companies to Petrescu cronies, eventually forcing the Admins to intervene on behalf of the eIrish . In Canada, Augustus Baldwin quickly gathered support for a measure which would allow the government of eCanada to operate separately from the in-game mechanics of eRepublik: the Article of Democratic Protection. This constitutional amendment would establish the illegality of any such take-over attempt, and empower a sitting government to administrate and operate the affairs of the nation through the use of the eCanadian forums, and governmental S.O.s, while all resources within the treasury would be moved to secure organizations . The amendment passed as a form of congressional legislation, but never gained official recognition as a part of the constitution.
As September 2008 dawned, Cottus Arci returned to eRepublik and was swiftly voted into the presidency. No sooner had he taken office than the Supreme Court exercised its political muscles for the first time. After issuing an executive order to sell off a defunct governmental weapons company, Congressman Michel Junior challenged the right of the President to issue executive orders without the consent of congress . But after the inactivity of the mayors was revealed, the issue shortly died without being resolved. Realizing that the Supreme Court needed to be a practical body filled with active members, President Arci called for a constitutional review to examine the role and make-up of the supreme court and the constitution itself . While the document itself was fitting for the beta version of eCanada, the change to V1 required a completely new constitution to be formed.
Whereas the beta constitution placed the majority of political power into the hands of the presidency, the game dynamics of V1 provided Congressmen with practical powers never before experienced within a nations legislative assembly. The V1 Congressman now had the ability to propose tax changes, citizenship fees, treasury donations and control the monetary supply, all in addition to the voting rights they had already maintained from Beta. But whereas the powers of the congressmen increased with the release of the new game, the branch of local government completely shut down. Without the Mayors to serve within the supreme court or pass constitutional amendments, the Beta constitution was rendered obsolete. But the formation of a new constitution would have to wait, as the nation now had to adjust to the growing pains that the New World brought forth.
To top off the economic and political hurtles which the nation had to endure, President Banach joined a large number of eRepublik citizens in temporarily leaving the game in protest of the glitches and the changes of V1. Without a Vice President, the nation was once again plunged into turmoil as no clear successor was named, save a presidential endorsement of Augustus Baldwin by an exiting Banach . Struggling to piece together an administration, a coalition government was formed known as the Triumvirate, consisting of Zblewski, Tom Hagen and Augustus Baldwin, which lead the country through the turbulent times until Tantis was elected President in November . But Banach’s resignation would unwittingly set the standard for executive leadership for the next three months, as he, Tantis, and Tom Hagen would become rendered inactive midway through their respective terms. This meant that the majority of governmental control rested in the hands of Cabinet and the Congress for the first time since the US - Canada War.
After the first constitutional crisis, it was Adam Sutler who stepped up to the plate to deliver eCanada’s first constitution. After the V1 crisis, it was Zanalan who would rise to the occasion to draft the second.
|“ From the launch of v1 it was apparent that the existing Constitution was no longer applicable to the new game realities. I began working on the outline of the second Constitution at that time. Due to the many changes taking place for both my persona and my country following the launch, the real “work” was stalled at that point. |
By the time Tantis took office things had settled down enough for work in earnest to begin. A first draft was submitted to him for review and comment. After his input I completed the final (pre-approval) version. On December 30, 2008 the new Constitution was presented to Congress for approval. On January 16, 2009, after a lengthy discussion in Congress, the final version was posted on the eRepublik forum for final ratification. The ratification of the Constitution occurred at 22:35h on Day 427 (January 21, 2009). ”
(Zanalan, May 09)
Unlike the Beta constitution, the public saw little of the V1 document in its formative stages, as its prospects and principles were debated within congress alone. But the document itself was not entirely a foreign construction, as many of the rights and divisions of power of the Beta Constitution were maintained within the document, with the most major change being the requirements for a constitutional amendment, the elimination of local government, the removal of certain acts and rights of eCanadian citizens, and the reformation of the Supreme Court. When one compares the two constitutions, we see that many of the rights written into the Beta constitution were removed from the V1 Constitution. Among these were the universal rights of the individual which comprised of Freedom of conscience and religion, and Freedom of thought, belief, opinion and expression, including freedom of the press other forms of communication. As for Citizen-centric rights the Legal Rights, Banning Rights and the Right to Bear Arms were removed from the V1 draft, along with one of the most shocking omissions: the fundamental equality of citizens. Does this mean that these rights no longer exist? Not necessarily, as an old hold-over from the constitution was maintained:
|“ Rights not mentioned. The guarantee in this Charter of certain rights and freedoms shall not be construed as denying the existence of any other rights or freedoms that exist in Canada. ”|
(Constitution of Canada, Section II, Article 8)
According to Constitutional author Zanalan, those measures which overlapped with the eRepublikan rules seemed redundant in constitutional form, while others were unenforceable.
|“ Many of these guarantees were actually under the jurisdiction of the Admins and eRepublik law. Since these issues were beyond our control, then there was no need to include them in our Constitution. For example, ‘Banning: Every eCanadian Citizen upon Banning … has the right to be informed promptly of the reasons therefore….’ Since the Admins are the only ones who can ban someone, they are the only ones to determine what (if any) notification is appropriate. Even if our Constitution had promised a personal email from the President, it would be unenforceable. Others of those original clauses were not included because they guaranteed rights that were already impossible to abrogate. The Right to Bear Arms is a good example of this. The original clause gave “…the right to purchase and own weaponry of any quality….” Since there is no way to ban the purchase of weapons, the right did not need to be enshrined. ”|
(Zanalan, May 2009)
Others had a different take on the omissions:
|“ To be honest, both the current and old constitutions were and are overly complicated and ineffective. I'm not convinced the existence of the current constitution makes us in any way better off. We need something simple that codifies the few rules of order that ACTUALLY matter. Forget all this right to bear arms and equality crap, those are useless, just codify the important things. If they gave any reason I didn't see it, but I really wasn't paying attention to be honest. The process was extremely slow and bureaucratic, I lost interest. ”|
(Augustus Baldwin, May 2009)
|“ The leadership of Canada wanted more power and less dissent. That’s why these changes were axed. It was sad to see them go and a lot of Canadians moved to other countries because of it. ”|
(Thekommie, May 2009)
|“ The first section of the Constitution is the Bill of Rights, which states the rights and duties of the citizens, congressmen, etc... There are some Rights that may have been omitted, maybe because they weren't too important in the New World. But the constitution can still be amended, and these rights added. ”|
(marcchelala, May 2009)
The most prominent addition to the V1 constitution was the reconstruction of the supreme court. The Supreme Court of Beta was run mainly by the mayors, a position that no longer exists in the new world. As such the V1 Constitution changed the makeup and capabilities of the Supreme Court, creating the office of Chief Justice and ensuring that the actors on the political stage would not be members of the supreme court. Instead of being elected as mayors, each supreme court justice would be appointed by the President of eCanada, and confirmed by 2/3rd of the congress. This supreme court would hear no less than three cases after its formation.
The first case was ironically that of John Wilkmot v. Adam Sutler. After Sutler’s revelation of a covert intelligence network What began as a congressional investigation into the legality of this organization soon exploded into a full fledged supreme court trial based upon accusations that Sutler himself was a multi-accounter. The supreme court debated the motion, but without a smoking gun, or any evidence being presented within the courtroom itself, the court soon realized that no eCanadian law was broken. Thus the case was dismissed, and being a matter of eRepublikan law, was passed on to the Admins of eRepublik. After Admin investigation into the matter, several accounts listed in the investigation including the Clown Prince of Chaos, , and banana suited doofus were banned, but the accounts of Adam Sutler and Tony Stark were apparently cleared of involvement. Unable to legally convict Sutler of any constitutional impropriety, the Congress of the day lead by Augustus Baldwin instead opted to revoke his citizenship by a margin of 61%, on the condition that the decision be kept hidden from the public until a later date. Baldwin then proposed a constitutional amendment dubbed the Adam Sutler Act, designed to prevent convicted felons from ever gaining political office. Despite some measure of support, the amendment was never put to a vote.
Even as the debate over Sutler’s fate raged on, a new issue came forth with the supreme court case against Dean 22. Augustus leads the motion against Dean22 by alleging that the former Minister of Defence had violated the eCanadian constitution by misappropriating funds, as well as leaving eCanada and running for political office in another nation while still a member of the eCanadian Cabinet. Dean22 rose to his own defence, arguing that his actions were based upon ATLANTIS orders, and that the will of ATLANTIS superseded the will of the CAF and the eCanadian government. Dean then issued a counter-suit against Augustus, which was swiftly dismissed by the Court. In a controversial decision, the supreme court first ruled that Dean22 was guilty, but after it was revealed that constitutional procedure of the Supreme Court had not been followed, the ruling was overturned. Upon further examination of the evidence, and after testimony in Deans defence by Tom Hagen, the supreme court ruled that Dean22 did not in fact intend to gain a seat in the Russian elections, and that his actions were in fact constitutional. Thus all charges laid by Baldwin were dropped. Once again, Augustus took the matter into the congressional arena, and exercising the revocation powers of Congress, stripped Dean22 of his citizenship with the support of 75% of Congress.
As such the Supreme Court of Canada has yet to convict anyone of violation of the constitution. Some argue that the Supreme Court is a lame duck institution with no mandate. Others maintain that the Supreme Court is an essential element in ensuring the validity and the sanctity of the eCanadian constitution. But all those interviewed agreed that until a Criminal Code of Canada has been formed, the Court is limited only to Constitutional cases.
The final stage in the evolution of the Constitution has come in the form of yet another constitutional amendment proposed by Bruck. In response to the recent Hungarian T.O. attempt, Bruck opened debate on an amendment that would allow eCanadians to protect themselves from such a T.O, much like Augustus Baldwin’s Article of Democratic Protection months earlier. But without an actual piece of legislation to propose, the discussion died and was placed in the Congressional Archives.
By tracing the formation of our constitutions, we have seen not only the evolution of our political landscape, but the growth of our nation itself in the face of its trials and tribulations. Constitutionally, it appears our next step will be a Criminal Code of Canada, but we have seen that such acts rarely come about in a vacuum. One must wonder what traumatic event will necessitate the formation of such a code. But eCanada has shrugged off some of the most traumatic challenges any nation could face: invasion by a numerically superior foe, economic devastation, social upheaval, separatist movements, and disastrously inactive presidencies. But through it all, we still stand, we still fight, and we are still united, The True North, Strong, and Free.